

The “Thundering Disgrace” Story
In the second half of 1976, three events occurred that would each leave a permanent mark on the history of the Irish State. On 21 July, the British Ambassador to Ireland, Christopher Ewart-Biggs, was assassinated by the IRA near his residence in Sandyford, Co. Dublin. On 16 October, Garda Michael Clerkin was killed in a bomb ambush in Garryhinch, Co. Laois. Nine days later, President Cearbhall Ó Dálaigh resigned from office. These events have been written about before, though rarely together, and never in a way that treats them as the interconnected episodes they were. This book, Thundering Disgrace, is an attempt to do just that.
The Story

In July 1976, the British Ambassador to Ireland Christopher Ewart-Biggs was assassinated by the IRA near his home in Sandyford, County Dublin. Ewart-Biggs was accompanied by Under Secretary of the Northern Ireland Office, Brian Cubbon; his private secretary, Judith Cooke; and driver, Brian O’Driscoll. The Ambassador and Ms. Cooke were killed in the blast, with the IRA claiming responsibility for their deaths in the days that followed.
Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave sought to reconvene Dáil Éireann from its summer recess early to pass motions and legislation relating to strengthening the State’s powers to deal with paramilitary violence. His request was granted by Ceann Comhairle Seán Tracey TD, and the Dáil was recalled early.
The House passed a resolution that would end the State of Emergency declared at the beginning of World War II on 2 September 1939, and then would declare a new State of Emergency for the conflict in Northern Ireland.



Two pieces of legislation were then tabled; the Criminal Law Bill 1976, and the more controversial Emergency Powers Bill 1976. The Criminal Law Bill passed with debate but not much opposition, however it was the Emergency Powers Bill that proved to be more contentious. The main provision of the bill was that if the State detained an individual on suspicion of holding membership of the IRA, they could be held for a period of seven days as opposed to the regular forty-eight hours.
Both Bills passed all stages of the Oireachtas and landed on the desk of President Cearbhall Ó Dálaigh, who had major reservations about the Emergency Powers Bill and how it would impact the citizens civil liberties. After consulting his Council of State, Ó Dálaigh exercised his right under Article 26 of Bunreacht na hÉireann and referred the Emergency Powers Bill to the Supreme Court to test its compatibility with the Constitution.

On 15 October, the Supreme Court ruled that the Bill was in line with the provisions of the Constitution, therefore giving Ó Dálaigh no choice but to sign the Bill into law, which he did shortly after midnight on 16 October.

Shortly thereafter, a call was placed to Portlaoise Garda Station. The female caller stated that she had seen several men acting suspiciously around a disused farmhouse at Garryhinch, an isolated rural district situated roughly halfway between Portarlington and Mountmellick. She further implied, in what Gardaí later described as a confused or cryptic manner, that these men were planning to assassinate Oliver J. Flanagan, the local Fine Gael TD for the Laois-Offaly constituency.
Garda Michael Clerkin was on duty that night in Portarlington Garda Station. Sergeant Jim Cannon organised an immediate response. He, Michael, Garda Gerry Bohan, Detective Garda Ben Thornton, and Detective Garda Thomas Peters met and travelled to the location of the farmhouse.
When they arrived, the Gardaí could not gain access to the property, so Michael sought access through a window at the back of the house, where he was successful. After opening the front door from the inside, he stepped on a flagstone which detonated a bomb. A huge explosion followed, and Michael was killed instantly.
Two days later, Minister for Defence, Paddy Donegan, was opening a canteen at the Columb Barracks in Mullingar, County Westmeath. He gave an address to those present, which included senior army officials, and a journalist, Don Lavery.
In front of Lavery, Donegan launched into a speech that would ultimately change Irish history. He immediately began by criticising the President for referring the Emergency Powers Bill to the Supreme Court. He then uttered what would become one of the most infamous phrases in the history of the Irish State:
“In my opinion, he [President Ó Dálaigh] is a thundering disgrace.”
Due to the public perception that the President of Ireland is a figure that remains above the day-to-day business of political life, Donegan faced severe backlash for his comments. Heated letters were sent between Donegan and Ó Dálaigh. Donegan offered his resignation to the Taoiseach, who refused. The relationship between Cosgrave and Ó Dálaigh was frayed at best. Ultimately, Ó Dálaigh became the first President of Ireland to resign, stating that he did so to preserve the dignity of the office.

The Book
This book is divided into three parts, each distinct in purpose and approach, but designed to be read as a single work.
Part I reconstructs the events of 1976 in detail, from the assassination of Ambassador Ewart-Biggs through to the resignation of President Ó Dálaigh. It draws on State archives, Oireachtas records, and private correspondence that have not previously been brought together in a single narrative. The aim of this historical section is to show how each event gave rise to the next, and how a sequence of decisions made by politicians, the President, and by a paramilitary organisation, produced consequences that none of those involved had fully anticipated.
Part II reflects on the life of Garda Michael Clerkin and showcases his life, character, and legacy. It draws on interviews with members of his family and on written recollections gathered while researching this book. Michael has featured in previous accounts of 1976 primarily as context for the political events that followed his death. These chapters attempt a different approach, setting down who he was and what those who knew him remember of him, to preserve his story for history.
Part III is legal and constitutional-focused. It examines the convention that the President of Ireland should remain above politics and considers what the events of 1976 reveal about the nature and limits of that convention. It draws on constitutional scholarship, on the archival record of Ó Dálaigh’s presidency, and on the broader history of the office from its foundation to the present day. The central argument, that the presidency is more accurately understood as non-partisan rather than non-political, is examined against the evidence of how successive presidents have conducted themselves in office. In writing these sections, I attempt to break down constitutional conventions, language, and articles to present it in an accessible way.
The three parts of the book are written to be read independently as well as together. A reader with an interest primarily in the political and constitutional history of 1976 will find what they are looking for in Parts I and III. A reader drawn to Part II by a personal or local connection to Michael Clerkin will not require familiarity with the legal analysis that follows. The intention, however, is that in taking all three sections together, the reader will gain an understanding into the interconnected nature of the events of 1976, and their long-term political and legal consequences.

‘Thundering Disgrace’
A gripping account of one of the most extraordinary periods in modern Irish history, Thundering Disgrace examines the political crisis that followed the assassination of the British Ambassador, the murder of Garda Michael Clerkin, and Ireland’s first presidential resignation.